Blog — Galanda Broadman

Gabe Galanda to Lecture Boeing on Indian Law

Gabe Galanda will deliver a lecture to Boeing executives and lawyers on November 13, 2014. The event commemorates national Native American History Month, and will highlight notions of tribal governance and jurisdiction and collaborative efforts between Boeing and Northwest Indian tribes.

Gabe is honored to address Boeing, a pillar in the aerospace industry and the Greater Seattle economy.

Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.

Finding the Cure for the American Indian Disenrollment Epidemic

In a lecture at Lewis & Clark Law School on October 27, Gabe Galanda preliminarily proposed several cures to the disenrollment epidemic that is now sweeping Native America.  Gabe lecture (slides here) was a lead up towards his and Ryan Dreveskracht's publication of a law review article on those topics, in Arizona Law Review next summer. They will soon publish a manuscript. 10636555_859807167385606_8037042352281190614_o

The Galanda Broadman firm has identified several acute causes to the epidemic and resultant self-termination, about which Gabe lectured, including: Indian gaming and other tribal per capita distributions; tribal political favoritism and nepotismsilence by the tribal and academic establishment; a century of federal assimilationist policy that extends to self-determination funding; the Supreme Court's Santa Clara v. Martinez decision; immoral and unethical behavior by non-Indian lawyerscontractors and other bad actors; and a self-fulfilling prophecy of tribal violence in reaction to disenrollment-related human rights violations.

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Gabe's lecture was attended by Lewis & Clark NALSA members, and a couple dozen American Indians from the Pacific Northwest who are plagued with disenrollment, including the Nooksack 306 and Grand Ronde descendants of Chief Tumulth.

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Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.

Indian Voters: “Maintain” Tribal Lands Tax Policy Per Advisory Vote 9

By Anthony Broadman

Thanks to Tim Eyman, recent Washington State Indian tax legislation is subject to a non-binding advisory vote.  This year, an Eyman advisory vote dealing with “a leasehold excise tax on certain leasehold interests in tribal property,” per HB 1287, has caused much voter confusion.  lE2nUNteQQx4vxAgnw7MXmlWuQiq03oSyzDMsHE-Z_g

Governor Inslee signed HB 1287 this spring.  According to the published bill summary, the new law:

  • Exempts a leasehold interest in property owned by a federally recognized Indian tribe from state property taxation.
  • Extends the state leasehold excise tax to a private leasehold interest in property owned by a federally recognized Indian tribe.
  • Recognizes economic development as an essential government service for purposes of qualifying tribally owned property for state tax exemption.

HB 1287 Bill Analysis.  Eyman’s advisory only, and deceivingly, contemplates the second bullet.

In all, the new law puts tribes on equal footing with other governments as to land used for economic development.  The new law exempts such tribally owned fee land from state taxation, yet with the potential for in-lieu payments or leasehold excise taxes between tribes and the state.  The new law is good for the State of Washington.

These Eyman “push polls” that are aimed at influencing, if not outright manipulating, voters are a waste of ballot space and election-related taxpayer dollars.  o1XfaCROu0cJxca9i7bJ3b-HsyXthl1kBd9fxyYlmCEAdvisory Vote No. 9 deliberately mixes two perennially controversial issues in Washington: Indians and taxes.  Although its description on the ballot leads our state’s voters—be they pro- or anti-tribal, or card-carrying liberals or Tea Partiers—to guess their vote, the outcome could be construed as a referendum on Indian tax policy in Washington State.

HB 1287 encourages tribal economic development and job creation and should be “maintained.”

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Check the “maintain” box on Advisory Vote No. 9.

Anthony Broadman is a partner at Galanda Broadman PLLC.  He can be reached at 206.321.2672, anthony@galandabroadman.com, or via www.galandabroadman.com.

Tribal Online Lending Smackdown

By Anthony Broadman

The Second Circuit’s recent body-slam of tribal online lenders in Otoe-Missouria Tribe of Indians v. New York State Department of Financial Services unnecessarily confused an already bad situation.  Faced with state regulation, Midwestern tribal payday lenders sued to halt New York’s interference with their operations.  Setting aside the wisdom of bringing the suit in the first place, the case provided the opportunity for the Second Circuit to incorrectly employ an inapplicable legal test.  If this decision on a preliminary injunction were ever imported into a substantive ruling, tribes operating in the Second Circuit would face an incredibly difficult standard when protecting on-Reservation economic development from state attack. 12

Critically, Otoe dealt with attempted state regulation of Indian Tribes.  The Tribes were attempting to halt that regulation through a preliminary injunction.  There were real, legal questions about the “where” of regulation: whether lending occurred in New York or on Midwestern Indian reservations.  But the “who” wasn’t in question.  The Second Circuit partially accepted the plaintiff-tribes’ invitation to err, and entertained the possibility that the test announced in White Mountain Apache Tribe v. Bracker, 448 U.S. 136 (1980), could apply.

As problematic as the Bracker balancing test has become, we know a few things for sure.  First, it doesn’t apply when the “who” is an Indian tribe, tribal member, or tribal business.  Ever.  There are plenty of examples when courts have gotten this wrong, but Wagnon v. Prairie Band Potawatomi Nation, 546 U.S. 95, 99 (2005) provided as much clarity as one can have.  Second, if Bracker applies only to non-Indians, then it must only apply in Indian Country.  We don’t need any authority for the proposition that non-Indians are subject to non-Indian regulation outside Indian Country.  Finally, Bracker doesn’t apply to anyone outside of Indian Country.  Absent a treaty or other federal law, tribes, their members, and their tribal business are subject to state regulation outside of Indian Country.  See Mescalero Apache Tribe v. Jones, 411 U.S. 145, 148–49 (1973).

Not surprisingly, the state relied on each of these hornbook tenets of Indian law.  But the Second Circuit appears to have partially indulged the tribes’ argument that “this case falls squarely under the analytical framework required under Bracker and Cabazon,” (Plaintiff-Tribes’ Brief at 19)—even though it does not.   The tribes clearly conceded that the state was attempting to regulate “the Tribes’ on-reservation businesses[.]”  Id. at 16.  The fact that these businesses happened to work with non-Indians is irrelevant unless the state is targeting those non-Indians.  The stronger argument (if one exists) here would have been that states were either illegally regulating on-Reservation non-Indian conduct (Bracker) or illegally regulating on-Reservation Indian conduct (Chickasaw).

There may be silver linings to this smackdown.  First, the Second Circuit thankfully refused to firmly determine the “where” of online tribal lending because of a dearth of competent proof.  The lower court had determined the loans occurred in New York.  A bad decision here could have had far-reaching implications, particularly in the mobile and Internet tribal gaming context.  Second, the arguments below regarding the “who” of New York’s regulation were so convoluted, that even a bad decision on substance could have been distinguished. Even the tribes were not clear whether New York was regulating lenders, borrowers, or business partners.

In the often-formalistic sphere of tribal regulatory disputes, tribes should expect federal courts to require cogent proof and clear arguments surrounding the “who” and “where” of state regulation.  Here, the lack of either may have stayed the execution of tribal payday lending to borrowers in Connecticut, New York, and Vermont – for now.

Anthony Broadman is a partner at Galanda Broadman PLLC.  He can be reached at 206.321.2672, anthony@galandabroadman.com, or via galandabroadman.com.

Gabe Galanda to Stump Against Disenrollment at Lewis & Clark

On Monday, October 27, Gabe Galanda will deliver a lecture, "The American Indian Disenrollment Epidemic: Finding A Cure," at Lewis & Clark Law School in Portland, Oregon.  images Gabe has previously spoken out against tribal disenrollment during talks at UC Berkeley and the University of Arizona College of Law, and also published several articles and blogs exposing and decrying that mode of self-termination.  For example:

Since 2013, Galanda Broadman has defended nearly 500 American Indians from disenrollment, in Washington, Oregon and California.

Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.

Rejoice! It's Indigenous Peoples Day

“Indigenous peoples have the right to the full enjoyment, as a collective or as individuals, of all human rights and fundamental freedoms as recognized in . . . international human rights law.”

Article 1, United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

10623299_10152681033023991_2978065563603835497_oImage designed by firm client Louie Gong (Nooksack), artist, educator, activist, Eighth Generation entrepreneur, and founder of the Inspired Natives Project, an indigenous intellectual/cultural property protection initiative.

 

Exposing Abramoff's Playbook: Plays #5-6

Plays #1-4 have been exposed (here, here and here).  Here are #5 and #6, with new plays already in design by the bad guys. Play #5—Make Political Rounds.  The bad guys rush to visit officials at all levels of government, starting at nearby towns and counties, and extending to state and national capitols.  Aided by the first four scripted plays, the bad guys spin their talking points into the minds of anybody who innocently gives them a meeting, and further cause folks to either pick their side or “stay neutral.”  They especially lobby BIA superintendents and career staff to delay the agency’s recognition of the last undisputed Tribal officials, knowing that all other government officials will await that determination before they might be inclined to do anything.

Play #6—Exploit National Tribal Silence.   The bad guys know that Tribal leadership and disenrollment disputes are taboo in forums like the National Congress of American Indians and National Indian Gaming Association.  They leverage this silence to further advance their cause.

Even worse, the bad guy-lawyers write large checks on behalf of their firms or other affiliates, even other inter-tribal trade associations, to sponsor large inter-tribal meetings.  National Indian groups unknowingly accept that dirty money and promote those sponsorships, which allows the bad guys to infiltrate the groups’ most inner circles, where they spread their message to ensure continued inaction.

With their most powerful potential critics—other Tribes’ leaders—hushed, it becomes even easier for the bad guys to persuade federal officials to either do nothing or tread slowly.

***

This is really happening, and these are only the first six scripted plays.  Today’s Abramoffs are already tweaking and perfecting new plays, without any shame or repercussion.  Nobody formidable is standing in their way.

Unless there is a dramatic change of mind and heart within Indian Country and its extended federal family, it is only a question of time before the bad guys hit another Indian community.  And absent a change in the status quo, the good guys may soon be left with no other choice but to preemptively call plays from the Abramoff Playbook in self-defense of what is right—and what is truly Tribal.

Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.

Redskins: Looking In The Mirror

Some colleagues have reacted negatively to my posts about Nike's N7 Fund (here and here), mostly saying that N7 has done a lot of good in Indian Country and thus shouldn't be criticized.  Indeed, N7 has done some great work for Native communities. I appreciate the constructive feedback and respectful difference of opinion.  To be clear, my criticisms are not intended to detract from that nobility, or to be made personal to anybody, or to encourage others to do so by any means.

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But here's my point: We are not on the outside of the Redskins debate, looking in.  By way of Nike N7 and Indian gaming's multi-billion dollar relationship with Bank of America (which nobody has defended to me), we are on the inside, looking out; staring ourselves in the mirror.

We now have the political relationships and buying power to help change the name from within The Establishment; to challenge Nike and BofA's silence and stance on the sidelines from within The Establishment. Because we are now part of The Establishment.  Potentially game-changing Tribal alliances with N7 and BofA bear that out.

And with that Tribal power comes responsibility, particularly for those Indian ambassadors of The Establishment.  In each our own way, whether in private circles or public forums, from behind the scenes or center stage, we are obliged to help, and not hinder, the name change.  And especially from within, yes, we can change the name.

Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.

Indian Energy Grants Are Nice, But Tribal Sovereignty is Where the Money’s At

Under 25 U.S.C. § 415, every lease of a tribe’s lands must undergo federal review and approval by the Secretary of the Interior under a sprawling, burdensome set of regulations.  Approval is also subject to the National Environmental Policy Act (“NEPA”), 42 U.S.C. § 4321, et seq., along with the usual delays and court controversies that protract the process.  It is not unheard of for several years to pass before Indian land can be leased, if ever.  Thus, a tribe who wishes to govern its trust lands under free market principles cannot, in practice, do so. In 2005, Congress enacted 25 U.S.C. § 3504, which included provisions for implementation of a Tribal Energy Resource Agreement (“TERA”).  The TERA (1) allows tribes to enter into a master agreement (the TERA) with the Secretary of the Interior, which then (2) grants the tribe the ability to enter into leases and to grant rights of way across tribal lands without Secretarial approval.

Since the TERA’s inception in 2005, however, not a single tribe has entered into a TERA.  For many tribes, the cost simply outweighs the benefits – TERAs allow tribes the leeway to skip Secretarial approval, “but only on terms dictated by the federal government,” which includes the creation of a NEPA-like environmental review process that complies “with all applicable environmental laws.”  As it stands, tribes simply do not have the resources necessary to fulfill the host of NEPA requirements, which impose an extremely heavy burden on tribal governments to demonstrate that they have the requisite expertise, experience, laws, and administrative structures in place to assume the responsibility of a TERA.

Last week Assistant Secretary Washburn announced $9.4 Million in grants to develop tribal energy.   Not a single grant, though, was aimed at funding a TERA.  Although Assistant Secretary Washburn believes that the failure of the TERA is “not for lack of effort” by the Office of Indian Energy and Economic Development (“OIEED”), it sure doesn’t help that, apparently, OIEED has given up on the program entirely.

As laudable as the grants are, it appears that much of the money will be used in efforts to comply with the NEPA and a vast array of other federal laws triggered by 25 U.S.C. § 415.  While the gesture is greatly appreciated, and may be a boon to the recipients, in the grand scheme of things it is an inefficient use of grant monies.  Until tribes are able to implement energy projects on their own land, unfettered from the vast array of burdensome federal red tape, the development of tribal energy will never truly bourgeon.

 

Ryan Dreveskracht is an Associate at Galanda Broadman, PLLC.  His practice focuses on representing businesses and tribal governments in public affairs, energy, gaming, taxation, and general economic development.  He can be reached at 206.909.3842 or ryan @galandabroadman.com.

Exposing Abramoff's Playbook: Plays #3-4

"It's just a Tribal membership dispute."  (Plays #1 and 2 are exposed here and here.) Play #3—Cause a Tribal Membership Dispute. The bad guys know that if they style the Tribal leadership dispute as a membership dispute, nobody will touch it. They know that under banner of Santa Clara Pueblo v. Martinez, 436 U.S. 49 (1978), federal, state and local officials will simply say: “Sorry, the matter is internal to the Tribe. Tribes are sovereign and self-governing.”

Screenshot 2014-10-09 09.29.25 The bad guys know that they can claim to disenroll any Tribal Councilperson or member who is not aligned with them, without suffering any legal recourse. They know that the federal and state courts will almost surely not get involved. They also know that they can denounce an Indian court as illegitimate and flout any Ex parte Young efforts to prospectively enjoin their “ethnic cleansing” efforts.

Tribal disenrollment is already at an “epidemic” level according to Professor David Wilkins; applying the Abramoff Playbook only accelerates the self-genocide.

Play #4—Rush to the Media. The bad guys hurry to create headlines that further cause folks in positions of power to stay out of it. The news stories they generate—through paid-for press releases via PRNewswire—will speak of “tribal disenrollment” and “tribal factions.”

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They will allege some form of wrongdoing by their opponents, to the point of slander or libel. They understand that federal and state officials, cops and judges, as well as local community members and business leaders, will read the resulting headlines. In turn, those readers will fall back on preconceived ideas about what is happening within the Tribe, leading them to either pick the bad guys’ side or stay out of it completely.

Stay tuned for one more blog exposing Abramoff's Playbook.

Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.